{"id":422503,"date":"2026-10-03T07:13:26","date_gmt":"2026-10-03T03:43:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/scfr.ir\/uncategorized\/422503\/beijings-diplomacy-toward-the-united-states-from-extending-the-trade-truce-to-maintaining-the-balance-in-west-asia\/"},"modified":"2026-10-03T07:13:26","modified_gmt":"2026-10-03T03:43:26","slug":"beijings-diplomacy-toward-the-united-states-from-extending-the-trade-truce-to-maintaining-the-balance-in-west-asia","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/scfr.ir\/en\/politics\/422503\/beijings-diplomacy-toward-the-united-states-from-extending-the-trade-truce-to-maintaining-the-balance-in-west-asia\/","title":{"rendered":"Beijing\u2019s Diplomacy toward the United States; From Extending the Trade Truce to Maintaining the Balance in West Asia"},"content":{"rendered":"

Dr. Mohammad Mehdi Mozafari \u2013 University Professor<\/strong><\/p>\n

On the eve of this visit, a narrative emerged in some Western media outlets, such as Reuters, claiming that China had agreed to cooperate with the United States in pressuring Iran in exchange for concessions on the Taiwan issue. However, an assessment of the tangible outcome of this meeting shows that the achievement of the two sides was limited to extending the two-month \u201ctrade truce\u201d until January 10, 2027, and that in numerous areas, such as artificial intelligence technology and regional security arrangements\u2014with the exception of an initial agreement on establishing a preliminary working dialogue channel in the field of artificial intelligence\u2014no comprehensive and breakthrough agreement was reached.<\/p>\n

Statements by U.S. officials about setting a red line for Beijing regarding Iran, and, in contrast, Xi Jinping\u2019s official emphasis solely on the \u201cneed to de-escalate the crisis and the necessity of returning to diplomacy and dialogue,\u201d indicate that Beijing is not prepared to accept Washington\u2019s agenda toward West Asia, and that any claim regarding a \u201cBeijing\u2013Washington deal over Iran\u201d lacks an evidentiary basis.<\/p>\n

China\u2019s Objectives toward the United States and Iran\u2019s Place in Beijing\u2019s Calculations<\/h2>\n

To understand Beijing\u2019s conduct, its objectives must be carefully distinguished along the two interconnected dimensions of the United States and Iran:<\/p>\n

China\u2019s objectives toward the United States:<\/strong> China\u2019s first and fundamental objective is to contain Washington\u2019s unilateralism, buy time to complete strategic value chains, and avoid direct economic or military confrontation. Beijing prefers to manage trade tensions in order to consolidate the position of the \u201cBelt and Road Initiative\u201d and its dominance in the technology market. Therefore, China will never sacrifice its vital interests to Washington\u2019s unilateral demands, because it knows that retreating in the face of U.S. pressure will increase Washington\u2019s appetite for excessive demands.<\/p>\n

China\u2019s relations with Iran; a strategic but asymmetric and functional partnership:<\/strong> Although Tehran and Beijing have signed the \u201c25-Year Comprehensive Cooperation Plan\u201d (strategic partnership agreement), Beijing\u2019s operational approach shows that this document is still far from full realization and implementation, and China\u2019s approach to relations with Iran is based on an \u201casymmetric and functional partnership.\u201d The volume of China\u2019s official trade with the countries bordering the Persian Gulf, such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, is far greater than with Iran, and China has always sought to maintain a balance between its relations with Tehran and the Arab capitals. Nevertheless, Iran is considered one of China\u2019s important suppliers of crude oil outside the dominance of the dollar, and as an actor opposed to U.S. unilateralism, it makes it more difficult for the Trump administration to advance its hegemonic and expansionist policies in West Asia and throughout the world. Therefore, under current circumstances, China does not turn Iran into a direct instrument for bargaining with the United States and seeks to prevent the weakening and complete defeat of Iran vis-\u00e0-vis the United States. At the same time, however, it will not sacrifice its security or economic relations with the United States to Iran\u2019s expectations and demands, and it is pursuing a cautious, interest-driven and equivocal policy.<\/p>\n

Roadmap and Recommendations<\/h2>\n

At a time when the United States has responded negatively to Iran\u2019s peace plan for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, and given the continuation of the maritime and economic blockade, banking sanctions, and instability of conventional trade routes, Iran can place the following measures on its agenda:<\/p>\n

Strengthening and formalizing non-governmental financial and settlement mechanisms (stabilizing barter channels and CIPS):<\/strong>
\nGiven Iran\u2019s complete loss of banking access to the dollar system and SWIFT, one proposed approach is to use non-Western systems in which the United States has no role. In this regard, China\u2019s Cross-Border Interbank Payment System, known as CIPS, is a relatively low-risk solution for increasing Iran\u2019s financial and commercial interactions with other countries. The Central Bank, with the support of the diplomatic apparatus, should consolidate the stability of special financial mechanisms (dedicated financial channels) and small financial institutions with no dealings with the United States, such as intermediary platforms and non-governmental settlement systems like CIPS based on the yuan, within the framework of direct institutional agreements with China.<\/p>\n

Converting oil revenues into barter credits to procure essential goods, medicines, parts, and intermediate goods should be transformed from a temporary measure into a sustainable and institutionalized directive equipped with a diplomatic support umbrella.<\/p>\n

Focusing on land and rail transit instead of high-risk maritime and air routes:<\/strong>
\nUnder conditions in which air transport and conventional maritime trade are subject to close monitoring and pressure, Iran should prioritize the immediate completion and utilization of land corridors (through the China\u2013Central Asia\u2013Iran route). Activating Central Asian rail lines and road transit would make it possible to exchange goods away from the reach of Western interventionist fleets in open waters.<\/p>\n

Proactive diplomacy ahead of the Shenzhen (APEC) and Miami (G20) summits:<\/strong>
\nIn the final months of the current year (November 2026), China will host the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit for the third time. Given China\u2019s hosting of this summit, as well as China\u2019s participation in the G20 summit in Miami (December 2026), the diplomatic apparatus should, before these meetings, conduct the necessary consultations with the Chinese side through intensive diplomatic consultations at an appropriate level, so that Iran\u2019s security, political, and economic conditions are clearly communicated and Beijing does not enter into a deal over Iran in its de-escalatory engagement with Trump.<\/p>\n

Countering the Western psychological war and realistically managing domestic public expectations:<\/strong>
\nThe public diplomacy apparatus should, through precise positions, explain to public opinion the reality that, despite the strategic partnership agreement, under the country\u2019s current circumstances, expectations of China as an interest-driven actor in the international arena should remain realistic.<\/p>\n

Accurately explaining this issue will simultaneously neutralize rumors and the psychological warfare of Western media regarding an \u201cEast\u2013West deal over Iran\u201d and prevent the emergence of \u201cprotracted political disputes\u201d or \u201cunwarranted turmoil and false excitement in the domestic market.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

SCFR Online \u2013 Opinion: The three-day visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Washington and his meeting with Donald Trump on September 24 and 25, 2026, accompanied by a ceremonial welcome at Andrews Air Force Base, was more a diplomatic display for managing the level of tensions than an indication of a breakthrough achievement in relations between the two powers.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":422484,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","footnotes":""},"categories":[13268,17,12726],"tags":[28817,49276,49275,49277,13506,13357,12752,31454,12732,8357],"class_list":["post-422503","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-note","category-politics","category-10-en-2","tag-china-us-relations","tag-china-u-s-trade-truce","tag-chinas-diplomacy","tag-cips","tag-donald-trump-en","tag-iran-china-relations-en","tag---en","tag-xi-jinping","tag----en","tag-8357"],"yoast_head":"\nBeijing\u2019s Diplomacy toward the United States; 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