Amirali Abolfath – Expert on US Affairs
It must be noted that the US and Israeli regime’s war against Iran does not enjoy the support of American public opinion, as most polls indicate that a majority of Americans oppose the war. The general atmosphere in the United States in recent years has not shown support for warfare, given that America has endured over two decades of highly costly and futile wars.
Donald Trump himself has repeatedly spoken about the fruitlessness of the wars during George Bush’s era in Afghanistan and Iraq, and his electoral victory was largely attributable to this anti-war sentiment. Therefore, war with Iran lacks support from American public opinion, particularly since Iran is not a daily concern for most Americans; Iran has not undertaken actions that would be perceived as threatening by the majority of the American people.
Although discussions exist regarding the advancement of Iran’s nuclear program and opposition to the Israeli regime, these are not among the daily concerns of the American public. In reality, prior to the 40-day war, Iran posed no threat to the global economy. However, the US economic situation is now under pressure, gasoline prices have risen, and the effects of the Strait of Hormuz closure are gradually becoming apparent.
This pressure has gradually extended into the United States itself, further exacerbating dissatisfaction with the war, which continues to increase.
Within the US political sphere—and particularly among its political factions—a relative consensus exists regarding confronting Iran; that is, they believe Iran must be contained, as they view it as a genuine threat to the Israeli regime and a potential threat to the United States and the world. However, this issue has become somewhat factionalized today; since Democrats do not wish for Trump to register a victory by breaking Iranian resistance, they oppose this course of action.
Of course, they are not fundamentally opposed to confronting Iran, but they oppose whatever Trump undertakes, and from this perspective, reactions exist. Moreover, not all within the Democratic Party are unified; the progressive wing is entirely anti-war, while the moderate or core segment of the Democratic Party, although holding positions against Iran, does not wish to endorse Trump’s policies.
Regarding the Republican Party, it must be stated that the main and largest segment of Republicans—namely, the MAGA movement—supports Trump and confronting Iran. However, voices are also heard within the MAGA movement, and individuals such as Tucker Carlson are among those who oppose, stating that the United States should not enter into war with Iran and that if Iran poses a threat to the Israeli regime, that regime should confront Iran itself.
Nevertheless, this critical current within MAGA is not a powerful force and lacks sufficient influence to impose its view in a manner that would compel Donald Trump to reconsider his position regarding the war against Iran.
Another issue pertains to the presidential war powers and Congressional influence. According to the War Powers Resolution, the US President may undertake military actions abroad without obtaining Congressional authorization, albeit with several conditions: first, Congress must be notified, and once operations commence, the President must provide justifications.
Following the attack against Iran launched in Esfand, Trump wrote a letter to Congress explaining the reasons for this action.
Under the War Powers Resolution, the US President is authorized to conduct military operations for a maximum of 60 days. After the 60-day period concludes, the President must either seek Congressional authorization, halt operations, or utilize an additional 30-day period during which offensive actions are prohibited and only troop withdrawal is permitted. In other words, offensive operations may continue for 60 days, and within the subsequent 30 days, forces must be withdrawn from the combat zone.
According to US tradition, when disagreements arise regarding the continuation of war, the President’s position prevails. The last time Congress was requested to authorize military operations was for the 2003 invasion of Iraq; since then, such authorization has never again been sought from Congress.
Congress possesses limited power to restrain the executive branch, except regarding budgetary allocations; for example, Trump requested an additional $200 billion from Congress for the war with Iran. In this situation, Congress could refuse to approve the budget, thereby exerting pressure on the government and military to alter their policies.
Ultimately, if Democrats gain control of one or both chambers of Congress by January 3, 2027, they may potentially impose stricter constraints on the continuation of the war or establish limitations on Trump’s future actions. However, if Republican control of Congress persists or its seat composition remains unchanged, no significant change will occur.


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