The course of international developments also shows the faster end of the war as a logical option Because of the massive popular demonstrations in various Western and Islamic countries and the General Assembly resolution, the interim ruling of the International Court of Justice in the Hague, and the recent Security Council resolution that the United States no longer vetoed, are evidence that proves that the Israeli regime is no longer enjoying universal support and the costs of continuing the war are increasing day by day.

Demonstrations of Netanyahu’s opponents inside the occupied territories are among other developments that have narrowed the field for the right-wing government of this regime. However, not only are there no signs of the Zionist authorities agreeing to the end of the war, but we are also witnessing the expansion of the battlefield by this regime: Numerous attacks on Iran’s military advisers in Syria and the latest attack on the consular section of the Iranian embassy in Damascus are proof of this claim. But what is Netanyahu’s goal with these measures? What kind of future do the officials of this regime want to draw for the political map of the West Asian region, and what is their strategy for realizing this vision?

The first point is that before the start of the Gaza war, the Israeli regime, due to the support of the United States and the success in concluding the Abraham Accord with some Arab and Muslim countries, thought that it had succeeded in marginalizing the Palestinian cause and becoming the dominant power in the region. In the map that Netanyahu held in his hand during his speech at the UN meeting (September 2023, less than a month after the attack on Gaza), he referred to it as the “New Middle East Map,” which had no trace of the state of Palestine according to the resolutions of the United Nations. Netanyahu’s map had green colored the countries that had normalized relations with the Israeli regime or were about to normalize, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Sudan, Jordan, and the United Arab Emirates.

Therefore, the authorities of this regime took advantage of the situation after the October 7 attack to engage in a full-scale fight with Hamas and other fighting forces in Gaza. Their opinion is that by defeating and destroying them, they will put an end to the flow of resistance and territorial demands of the Palestinian people and, after the victory, convince the rest of the influential Islamic countries to join the Abraham Pact. However, after six months of the costly war in Gaza, this strategy of the Israeli regime was not successful. It even destroyed the false image and credibility that this regime had built for itself for years with the help of media propaganda. The Israeli regime was accused of genocide and war crimes, and America’s unquestioning support for this regime, despite its continuity, has taken on a critical tone. Based on this, with the failure of the first strategy, the goals of the Zionist authorities in the field of hard war have failed. In the psychological and soft war field, this regime has suffered many losses, so they are looking for alternative strategies to compensate for this failure.

One of these strategies is to involve other countries, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, in war. This strategy started by attacking Iran’s logistical bases in Syria and killing Iranian military advisors who are in this country legally and with the consent of the Syrian government. The increase in tensions in the region reached the stage of attacking the consular section of the Iranian embassy in Damascus to increase the cost of Iran’s strategic restraint and patience by attacking diplomatic compounds.

In fact, inciting our country to enter into an all-out war with the Israeli regime directly is attractive to the authorities of this regime in the sense that it can take the pressure off the Israeli regime and due to the common approach of the US and some of its allies in the region towards Iran, once again form a new coalition in the region and replace Iranophobia with attacks and criticism of the Israeli regime.

Netanyahu’s other strategy to avoid defeat in Gaza and the ineffectual end of this war is to prolong and erode the war until the US elections, with the hope that the Biden administration will hand over the stage to Trump in this election and with the return of this Republicans closer to Netanyahu, the cards of war and possible peace agreements will turn in favor of the Israeli regime.

In this regard, it seems that the Biden administration has expressed its displeasure with Netanyahu’s goals and plans by abstaining from the Security Council resolution on the ceasefire in Gaza and has started some efforts to remove him from power in the Israeli regime. On the other hand, the Islamic Republic of Iran should also prevent the repetition of these incidents by investigating and identifying the elements that leak information and facilitate the Israeli regime’s attacks on Iran’s logistical positions and diplomatic premises. In this regard, it is necessary to have frank and serious talks with the Russian authorities who are in charge of air defense in Syria about their passive approach.

In the next step, the normalization of targeting Iranian positions, advisors, and commanders in the region, which weakens Iran’s power and position, should be prevented. To achieve this goal, and of course, taking into account the goals and intentions of the Israeli regime, the Islamic Republic of Iran must respond to the attacks of the Israeli regime in a measured, proportionate, and appropriate manner, by the principles of dignity, wisdom and expediency, to create deterrence and maintain the security and credibility of Iran and Iranians and prevent the realization of the goals of this regime to change the playing field by involving Iran in a regional war and transferring pressure to our country.